<p>This is a continuation of a long debate over several threads, but I think this is important enough to be split off on its own.</p>
<p>Over the years that I've been watching and thinking about this interesting issue of diversity and affirmative action, I've discerned a theme in comments about race, gender, and the like by MIT admissions. The theme is that context is everything. Unless I've been wildly misinterpreting everything (and I don't think I have, since in a recent thread mootmom seemed to have the same notion), race is important for understanding the context of an application -- essentially, for estimating what a student had to work with and what background he or she came from, and in particular the disadvantages the student suffered. This is an admirable notion, and one which I embrace fully.</p>
<p>In 2003, the Supreme Court considered the case Grutter v. Bollinger, and MIT, along with Stanford, filed an amicus curiae brief in support of certain kinds of affirmative action policies. The following is a quote from the brief (page 25), which is available in its entirety [url="<a href="http://supreme.lp.findlaw.com/supreme_court/briefs/02-241/02-241.mer.ami.mit.pdf%22%5Dhere%5B/url">http://supreme.lp.findlaw.com/supreme_court/briefs/02-241/02-241.mer.ami.mit.pdf"]here[/url</a>].</p>
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[quote]
In the selection process used by MIT and Stanford, which first identifies a group of well-qualified and highly capable applicants and then admits a much smaller number from among them, based on broad evaluation of each individual, consideration of race along with many other factors in making the final decisions is both necessary and entirely appropriate. [49] To require otherwise would both impair their ability to identify the most promising candidates and produce a less diverse educational environment.</p>
<p>[49] The suggestion of some that the concern for diversity would be better or more justly served by focusing instead on economic diversity, or disadvantage, is unsupportable on two levels. First, economic position does not offer any sort of a useful proxy for race or ethnic origin, and thus does not offer a racially neutral means of achieving the goal of racial or cultural diversity. Simply put, in the population of students from low socio-economic groups who also have high enough test scores to qualify for consideration by highly selective schools, white students outnumber African-American students six-to-one. Second, the great majority of successful minority candidates come from middle and upper middle class backgrounds.
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<p>So here is the Institute explicitly saying two things: focusing on disadvantage alone wouldn't balance the race ratios, and, for that reason alone, is not an acceptable solution. Second, the people being helped by affirmative action are not, for the most part, minority students from bad nieghborhoods; on the contrary, "the great majority of successful minority candidates come from middle and upper class backgrounds -- backgrounds just like those of most successful Asian-American and Caucasian applicants.</p>
<p>I think this fairly explicit rejection by a high-level institute document of the "disadvantage and opportunity" defense of considering race is, at the very least, an interesting contribution to this debate.</p>
<p>I should add one thing, in the interest of not having this devolve into something ugly. I continue to have immense respect for MIT admissions represenatives and all the work they do. This is not meant to be any sort of indictment -- just an interesting document to discuss.</p>
<p>I do think, however, that more realism on all sides of this debate -- in the spirit of the above quote -- would be beneficial. Let's admit that we sacrifice some measure of "justice" -- that is, taking the most able students -- in order to achieve desirable social goals like racial balance. It would be an absurd world if we could achieve such leaps and bounds in social equality without having to sacrifice at least something, and I don't see how the fiction that no sacrifices are made helps anybody.</p>