Evaluators believed that educational prestige was a signal of general rather than job-specific skills, most notably the ability to learn quickly. An attorney (white, female) described, “I’m looking for sponges.You know a kid from Harvard’s gonna pick stuff up fast.” **However, it was not the content of an elite education that employers valued but rather the perceived rigor of these institutions’ admissions processes. **According to this logic, the more prestigious a school, the higher its “bar” for admission, and thus the “smarter” its student body. A consultant (white, male) explained, “The top schools are more selective, they’re reputed to be top schools because they do draw a more select student body who tend to be smarter and more able.”A law firm partner (white, male) agreed, “If they’re getting into a top-tier law school, I assume that person has more intellectual horsepower and, you know, is more committed than somebody who goes to a second or third tier law school.” </p>
<p>In addition to such an intelligence-based perspective on university admissions, evaluators frequently adopted an instrumental and unconstrained view of university enrollment, perceiving that students typically “go to the best school they got into” (lawyer, Hispanic, male). Consequently, in the minds of evaluators, prestige rankings provided a quick way to sort candidates by “brainpower.”When sorting the “mock” resumes, an investment banking recruiter (white, female) charged with screening resumes at her firm revealed how such assumptions played out in application review. She remarked,“Her [Sarah’s] grades are lower but she went to Harvard so she’s definitely well-endowed in the brain category…Jonathan. . . went to Princeton,so he clearly didn’t get the short end of the stick in terms of smarts.” This halo effect of school prestige,combined with the **prevalent belief that the daily work performed within professional service firms “was not rocket science” **gave evaluators confidence that the possession of an elite credential was a sufficient signal of a candidate’s ability to perform the analytical capacities of the job. Even in the quantitatively rigorous field of consulting, a junior partner (white, male) asserted, “I’ve come to the stage where I trust that if the person has gone to Wharton, they can do math.” </p>
<p>By contrast, failure to attend an “elite” school, as conceptualized by evaluators,was an indicator of intellectual failure, regardless of a student’s grades or standardized test scores. Many evaluators believed that high achieving students at lesser ranked institutions “didn’t get in to a good school,” must have “slipped up,” or otherwise warranted a “question mark” around their analytical abilities. A legal hiring manager illustrated, “Sometimes you see the good undergrad with the good grades and then the not-so-good law school, and I always say, ‘Ooh! I guess they bombed their LSAT!”’ Such sentiments were particularly evident when evaluators assessed “Blake,” a student with a high GPA from Rutgers who attended Columbia for graduate school and who had prior finance experience. A banker (white, male) illustrates, “Good grad school, okay undergrad but not Ivy League. So one thing I’d definitely want to ask him is that **if he went to Exeter [for high school], why did he go to a lesser undergrad? What happened?” **Similar processes were at play for Annulkah, a “diversity” law candidate who received near perfect grades at lower tier undergraduate and graduate institutions and had directly relevant work experience as a paralegal. An attorney (white, female) was skeptical, was skeptical, “I wonder why she didn’t get in to a better law school.” Such “question marks” about intellect applied not only to students at “state schools” and “second-rate” or “third-tier” private institutions but also those who attended highly selective schools other than those at the very top of “the list.” A consulting director (white, female) revealed such assumptions when rating fictitious candidate “Sarah”: “She’s at Stern [NYU’s Business School, currently ranked #9 in the country]. She’s there either because her husband is in New York or she applied to business school and she didn’t get in to Harvard or Stanford.” </p>
<p>In addition to being an indicator of potential intellectual deficits, **the decision to go to a lesser known school (because it was typically perceived by evaluators as a “choice”) was often perceived to be evidence of moral failings, such as faulty judgment or a lack of foresight on the part of a student. **When describing why students who attended highly selective but not “top” business schools were at a disadvantage in the recruitment process and were justifiably so, a banker (white, male) shrugged, “If you want to go into banking, you do your homework and you go to one of the schools that’s known for sending people to Wall Street.” An attorney (Hispanic, male) described how **even candidates who faced significant financial obstacles to attendance, like he had, “should be smart enough to invest in their future.” The negative signal conveyed by the lack of an elite credential was most clearly articulated by a recruiter (white, female) at a “diversity recruitment” fair I observed as a part of the ethnographic portion of my research. At a panel on applying to corporate law firms, she instructed attendees who, like the majority of nonwhite law students were disproportionately concentrated in second- and third-tier law schools (see U.S. News & World Report 2008), to list their reasons for attending an inferior institution on their cover letter and resume. She explained,“If you were admitted to a better school, say which one. .If you went to a school because you got a full scholarship, put‘full scholarship’ upfront. If you stayed close to home to help with a family business, include it. . .You need to have an explanation for it.”Thus, in many ways, the credential that elite employers valued was not the education received at a top school but rather a letter of acceptance from one. **