Public [land grant] HBCUs Underfunded by Billions of $

Many HBCUs often punch above their weight in many categories, such as in looking at how many students they are able to graduate in comparison with what analyses might project or on how many of their alums go on to earn doctorates. Inherent in the idea of “punching above their weight” is how many HBCUs have done so much without nearly as much in the way of resources as some of their PWI brethren.

It now appears that the U.S. Department of Education has been doing an analysis of whether public HBCUs were receiving equitable funds from their state governments and, according to the feds, the answer seems to be negative.

All quotes below come from this article:

This part describes how the differentiated funding began and was able to become inequitable.

The funding disparity between historically Black and historically White land grant institutions traces back more than a century.

The first group of land-grant universities in the U.S. was established in 1862 under the First Morrill Act. Signed by Abraham Lincoln, that law bestowed federal lands upon states so the land could be sold to generate money for the colleges.

Under the Second Morrill Act of 1890, states could choose to open a second land-grant university specifically for Black students. They were required to give the same amount of state cash to the new schools as they gave to those created 28 years earlier. The older group of land-grant institutions has generally served more White students because most of them did not admit Black students until the Civil Rights Movement.

When the federal government gives Black land-grant universities money, states have to match that cash dollar-for-dollar. If they don’t, universities risk forfeiting the money altogether.

But advocates say that for the 1890 institutions, the required match has been the ceiling instead of the floor, leading the 1862 schools to receive funding at higher ratios. That’s partly because federal law lets states opt out of the match requirement for 1890 institutions and only contribute half in matching funds.

That means Southern has not been able to advance in ways on par with LSU, Louisiana’s original 1862 land-grant institution, the feds wrote in their letter.

It appears that this inequitable funding is in Louisiana as well as these other states:

Versions of the letter were also sent to the governors of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia and West Virginia.

At least 5 institutions lost at least $1 billion, as there was Southern plus these other 4 schools mentioned here:

Of the HBCUs in other states, only four were projected by the analysis to have missed out on more money than Southern. Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University lost $1.9 billion; Tennessee State University lost $2.1 billion; Prairie View A&M University in Texas lost $1.135 billion; and North Carolina A&T State University lost $2 billion, according to letters to those states’ governors.

It will be interesting to see how the states react and what is done to rectify the situation.

I thought Maryland had settled this in 2021, according to

According to the article you shared:

In 2006, a coalition of alumni and supporters of Maryland’s HBCUs filed the lawsuit, contending that the state had underfunded its four historically black institutions and allowed traditionally white universities to duplicate programs offered at HBCUs, undermining their ability to attract students.

The court ruled in 2013 that the HBCUs were not underfunded compared to traditionally white institutions, but that program duplication had perpetuated segregation. Since then, the state and coalition have been working towards an agreement on how to resolve the issue.

I’m not sure what the underfunding ruling was based on (and whether it’s the same method of underfunding that the feds are looking at now) but, from my reading of teh article, the settlement was because of the state chose to duplicate HBCU programming at PWIs, undercutting the HBCUs ability to recruit students.

According to the letter to Maryland (soure):

From my reading of the article, they are only referencing a disparity for the U. of Maryland - Eastern Shore, a disparity of over $320 million for the time frame of 1987-2020.

Looks like this is specifically about the land grant universities. The HWCU land grant schools in question were designated as such in 1862, while the HBCU land grant schools in question were designated as such in 1890. Of course, the land grants themselves had an ugly history with respect to Native American land.

Wow! Had no idea about Cornell acquiring land under the Morrill Act in WI and selling it later.

“ Given the manner in which the Morrill Act linked the distribution of formerly-Indigenous public lands held by the federal government to Congressional representation (30,000 acres were allocated to each state based on the number of representatives and senators seated in Congress), New York’s land-grant college was bound to have an outsized role in the legislation’s subsequent history. Then the most populous state in the Civil War-truncated Union, New York received nearly ten percent of the land allotted by the Morrill Act: 989,920 acres of the 10,929,215 acres that actually passed to the states.[9] Under the terms of the Morrill Act, states with federally-controlled public lands within their boundaries could claim particular tracts and eventually sell them for the benefit of their prospective land-grant college(s). Eastern states with no available public lands at that time, such as New York, received what was referred to as “land scrip” (paper certificates). Each piece of land scrip entitled the bearer to select, locate, and enter (i.e., claim) a quarter-section (160 acres) of unappropriated public land subject to sale by private entry (i.e., land that had gone unsold at a prior public auction) anywhere in the United States. Because the Morrill Act explicitly barred one state from taking direct ownership of land in another state, the expectation at the time was that eastern states would sell their scrip allocations to individuals (“assignees”) and then invest the proceeds in “safe” stocks or bonds yielding a minimum of five percent interest annually.”

https://blogs.cornell.edu/cornelluniversityindigenousdispossession/2020/10/01/flipped-scrip-flipping-the-script-the-morrill-act-of-1862-cornell-university-and-the-legacy-of-nineteenth-century-indigenous-dispossession/