<p>I'm not going to wade into the mess of debate we have here, but there a few isolated points I'd like the clear up.</p>
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This country is at a point of an ethics crisis where selfishness is running rampant (see: Napster, Kazaa, Enron, Worldcom).
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<p>Theft and property crime has always been a part of human existence; it's simply that when the opportunity to commit crime is greater, there will an increase in crime rates. During a natural disaster or riot, for instance, many unscrupulous individuals take advantage of the chaos to loot and pillage stores. Similarly, people take advantage of Kazaa / Napster to download songs illegally because it's cheap, easy, and not typically punished. Take these incentives away, and the level of illegal downloading would fall dramatically. This is not representative of a sea change in ethics, but rather of the effect of new technology on society.</p>
<p>Your other two examples are similarly unpersuasive. Corporate crime and malfeasance has been around for as long as there have been companies. Ponzi schemes, tax evasion, and accounting fraud are all historically common crimes that have occurred over a wide range of dates in a wide range of circumstances. Simply because an anomalously large company was found to have been committing such fraud does not signal anything special. Lest you forget, the Savings and Loan Scandals of the 1980s created a similar stir. Going back further in history, one could find even more examples.</p>
<p>Thus you have proven nothing about the relative frequency of "selfishness" in America, nor detailed exactly what you meant by it.</p>
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furthermore....majority views rarely actually win out in Congress....interest groups have a wide level of discretion in which bills get passed and which ones don't...and interest groups don't support moderate views like the majority of the population holds....they hold extreme views to either the left or the right....you're probably going to say "interest groups aren't that powerful...if that's the case then howcome if the public doesn't agree with something it usually doesn't happen," and to invalidate that argument I will use the example of Civil Rights for both blacks and women. The white majority didn't support the Emancipation Proclamation, nor did they support the Brown Case, nor did they support the 1960s Civil Right Movement...the male majority didn't want to give women equal voting rights or labor rights...they belived womens' place was in the home, taking care of children and basically serving to their husbands' needs.
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<p>While your point has some truth in it, it's hardly an accurate and balanced picture of the way legislation is passed in the United States. Here's a more complete account from James Wilson's standard-bearing American Government text, which discusses four modes of policymaking (real world examples from the text are omitted):</p>
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[li]Majoritarian Politics. In majoritarian politics, the costs and benefits of the policy in question are widely distributed across the population. "Such majoritarian politics are usually not dominated by pulling and hauling among rival interest groups; instead, they involve making appeals to large blocs of voters and their representatives in hopes of finding a majority. The reason why interest groups are not so important in majoritarian politics is that [...] citizens rarely will have much incentive to join an interest group if the policy that such a group supports will benefit everybody, whether or not they are members of the group. This is the 'free-rider' problem [which is dealt with more thoroughly in economics]" (441).[/li][li]Interest Group Politics. In this type of politicking, "a proposed policy will confer benefits on some relatively small, identifiable group and impose costs on another small, equally identifiable group. [...] Issues of this kind tend to be fought out by organized interest groups. Each side will be so powerfully affected by the outcome that it has a strong incentive to mobilize. [...] Interest group politics often produces decisions about which the public is uninformed" (442).[/li][li]Client Politics. In client politics an identifiable and often relatively small group will receive most of the benefits, while the costs will be distributed over a large portion of society. "Because the benefits are concentrated, the group that is to receive those benefits has an incentive to organize and work to get them. But because the costs are widely distributed, affecting many people only slightly, those who pay the costs may be either unaware of any costs or indifferent to them, because per capita they are so small" (443).[/li][li]Entrepreneurial Politics. In this type of policymaking, "society as a whole or some large part of it benefits from a policy that imposes substantial costs on some small, identifiable segment of society. [...] It is remarkable that policies of this sort are ever adopted, and in fact many are not. After all, the American political system creates many opportunities for checking and blocking the actions of others. [...] Nevertheless, policies with distributed benefits and concentrated costs are in fact adopted, and in recent decades they have been adopted with increasing frequency. A key element in the adoption of such policies has been the work of people who act on behalf of the unorganized or indifferent majority. Such people, called policy entrepreneurs, are those both in and out of government who find ways of pulling together a legislative majority on behalf of interests that are not well represented in government. These policy entrepreneurs may or may not represent the interests and wishes of the public at large, but they do have the ability to dramatize an issue in a convincing manner" (444).[/li][/ol]</p>
<p>Note that there can and will be crossovers and mixing, since the lines between each may be blurred. Also note that the costs and benefits need not be economic in nature, and indeed often aren't. You may also want to check out "American Business, Public Policy, Case Studies, and Political Theory" in the journal World Politics, which offers a different perspective. Nevertheless, my point is that policymaking is a very complex and convoluted procedure that does not lend itself well to a single theory or point-of-view. Just as interest groups require a detailed classification scheme, and are far more complex than either proponents or opponents argue. The above can be used as a basic framework, or you can use another, but the simplistic explanations have been vigorously debunked.</p>